Love or Exploitation? Can Relationships Between UN Peacekeepers and Civilians In The DRC Be Perceived as Positive Through a Feminist Lens?

This dissertation is made available under commons, BUT if you would like to cite this article please reach out to me and provide correct attribution. This copyright is retained by me, the author, and I assert my authors rights accordingly.

Trigger Warning: graphic descriptions of sexual exploitation, read at your own discretion

Abstract

This dissertation explores whether relationships between United Nations Peacekeepers and civilian women in the Democratic Republic of Congo, can be perceived by positive (in this study, seen as mutually beneficial, empowering and affirmatively consensual). Or, whether these relationships are fundamentally exploitative.

Existent literature on peacekeeper/civilian relationships presents a binary and reductionist view of the relationship dynamics and positionality, in particular, on the civilian women within them. This dissertation, utilizing a feminist framework modelled on theories of consent and agency, analyses secondary interview data to determine the correct way these relationships should be classified. I conclude that, due to the enormity of disparities in wealth and power between peacekeepers and civilian women, consent and agency cannot be applied in these cases, demonstrating that these relationships cannot transpire without the presence of exploitation.

Introduction

This research examines whether relationships between UN Peacekeepers and civilian women in the Democratic Republic of the Congo can be regarded as “positive” through a feminist framework. “Positive” in this context, refers to relationships that are mutually beneficial, ethically commendable, and ultimately, a force for the greater good of the participants.

I seek to answer this question in the face of the highly polarized literature, in which scholars have been divided into two distinct camps. Some argue that peacekeeper/civilian relationships are highly beneficial, as they can provide civilian women with economic and social opportunities to better themselves and their lives (Petz, 2023, p6). Others contest that these relationships are built on foundations of exploitation, as peacekeepers leverage their power and assets over vulnerable women to gain sexual gratification (Gibson et al, 2022, p687).

These arguments, however, are incredibly binary and lack nuance, often disregarding the multifaceted nature of these experiences. The DRC is a nation ravaged by civil war, in which financial opportunities, particularly for women, are rare and few (Kovatch, 2016, p161). Many women live in positions of absolute poverty, particularly in comparison to their UN Peacekeeper counterparts, who enjoy privileges in power and finance (Alexandra, 2011, p372). This stark difference in positionality calls into question whether relationships between these two parties can ever be considered as consensual or requiring the adequate agency to legitimize them.

The concepts of “consent” and “agency” are crucial in morally legitimizing any form of romantic or sexual relationship, especially when such contrasting dynamics are present.

Therefore, I will seek to analyse these relationships through feminist theories of consent and agency, to examine with more depth the foundations of love, or exploitation, in this case.

This dissertation takes on a qualitative methodological analysis of secondary interview data utilizing a feminist framework of feminist theories of consent and autonomy, with an aim to provide more nuance and understanding into these relationships, and the motivating factors to forming them.

Perhaps most crucially, this dissertation seeks to acknowledge and validate the experiences of women who have engaged in these relationships and provide more sensitivity to their shared stories, as well as clarify whether these experiences can ever truly be “positive” in the face of such unequal circumstances.

Context

Following a prolonged period of conflict, the DRC and several African states signed a ceasefire agreement in 1999 (Mushoriwa, Njieassam, Bata, 2021, p146). The security council moved to authorize what was to become the longest and largest peacekeeping operation in history, originally named “MONUC”, the mission intended to assist and monitor the implementation of peace and stability within the region (Wagner et al, 2020, p1). In the early 2000s, allegations surrounding peacekeeper perpetrated abuse, or “SEA” across multiple missions began to surface, and so the UN published a bulletin in 2003, recognizing the extent of SEA committed, and the measures the UN would be taking to prevent it (Tasker et al, 2023, page 1019). What was outlined, was a “zero tolerance policy” towards SEA, prohibiting any form of sexual or romantic contact between peacekeepers and UN officials, and the civilians in their protection (Tasker et al, 2023, page 1019).

Despite this action, allegations surrounding MONUC became rife, between May and September of 2004 alone there had been 72 official allegations submitted, and though 2007- 2010, 483 allegations were reviewed by UN officials (Mushoriwa, Njieassam, Bata, 2021, p146). Admist growing scandal, “MONUC” was renamed “MONUSCO” as an attempt of separation, yet despite this action allegations persisted (Petz et al, 2023, p2). 2024 saw the security council vote to end the MONUSCO mission, however efforts of a full roll out have been halted due to the escalation of conflict with the rebel group M23 in the northern provinces (UN Peacekeeping, 2024).

The DRC is notorious for its incredibly high levels of violence against women, with special representative for sexual violence in armed conflict, Margot Wallstrom, naming it “the rape capital of the world” (Kovatch, 2016, p157). Reports allege that 48 women are raped in the DRC per hour, with sexual abuse being endemic due to ongoing conflict and extreme levels of poverty and insecurity (Kovatch, 2016, p161). In a sense, the table is set, in an insecure environment engendered on abuse.

Literature Review

This chapter will explore existing literature on “romantic” relationships between UN Peacekeepers and civilian women, with specific focus on the DRC. Discussed are the three prominent themes that occur within the discourse, which are: debates over the framing of such relationships, their linkage to the concept of “militarized masculinities” and the contribution of “survival sex” and economic insecurity as a motivating factor to enter into them. Exploring this literature, I will demonstrate that there is a clear gap.

In the literature, there is little room for nuance in evaluating these relationships, which are commonly painted as black and white, as objectionable, and morally wrong, or as encouraging and empowering for women. It is evident that a new, feminist perspective, which calls back to what the roots of what truly makes relationships positive and legitimate, “consent” and “agency”, is needed to answer whether these relationships can truly be regarded as a positive force for good, or not.

Exploitation or Empowerment?

The central debate of the literature surrounds the nature of peacekeeper/civilian relationships, in particular, a divide over whether these relationships should be perceived as “empowering” or “exploitative.”

Some of the literature that covers so called “romantic” relationships between civilian women and UN peacekeepers, presents these instances as positive and empowering choices (Fraulin et al, 2021, p10; Lwambo, 2013, p50; Petz, 2023, p6). There are several challenges women face within the DRC; economic insecurity curbs opportunities for professional growth or financial security, patriarchal structures emphasize women in a domestic role, leading them to become dependent on male superiors to be the “breadwinner”, and ongoing conflict places the safety of women at a near constant risk (Lwambo, 2013, p50; Petz, 2023, p6).

The literature posits that in the face of such challenges, relationships with peacekeepers provide women with an empowered choice, to benefit themselves (Petz, 2023, p6; Vahedi et al, 2024). Women demonstrate their agency by furthering their own personal interests, by engaging in such relationships which are often accompanied with financial or security benefits (Petz. 2023, p6). Choosing between multiple peacekeepers, or the most preferable partner, who can provide more than just the essential basics, women can take control of their financial lives and subvert patriarchal norms by becoming primary breadwinners in their own households (Lwambo, 2013, p50). Reports of women happily being able to invest in businesses, pay their university fees, and support their families because of such relationships lead many scholars to argue that in an otherwise extremely dire context, women are rising above their disadvantages and finding ways to make for themselves a better life (Lwambo, 2013, p59; Petz, 2023, p8).

This posited argument of empowerment through peacekeeper relationships faces great criticism from other scholars. Many highlight the extreme differentials between peacekeepers and civilians, in power, in finance and position, which eliminate relationships from being perceived as anything other than exploitation (Alexandra, 2011, p372; Gibson et al, 2022, p687; Mushoriwa et al, 2021 p154; Vahedi et al, 2024, p378). Presented is a two-fold dilemma, which challenges the legitimacy of these relationships; economic and power hierarchies (Gibson et al, 2022, p687). Material advantage forms the basis of many of these relationships, with peacekeepers often recorded deliberately leveraging money and essential

supplies to attract attention from civilian women (Gibson et al, 2022, p687). Peacekeepers are recorded to earn salaries 500-100 times more than the average Congolese citizen, and their positionality, being placed to support fragile populations, hand out provisions and ensure stability, places them in a clear financial and hierarchical position above civilians (Alexandra, 2011, p372). The literature that frames peacekeeper relationships in a more positive light, it is argued, does not acknowledge the darker aspects of these relationships, in which women are frequently abandoned by their peacekeeper lovers, especially in the cases of pregnancy or contraction of venereal diseases (Sengenya, 2023). Therefore, the literature largely regards peacekeeper/civilian relationships as strictly exploitative, women are victimized, and stripped entirely of their agency.

Militarized Masculinity

Having considered the framing of such relationships, the literature moves to understand the motivations and social explanations for why they have become so prominent. The first raised by scholars, is founded on the concept of “militarized masculinities” (Alexandra, 2011, p371; Fraulin et al, p3; Higate, 2007, p105; Kovatch, 2016, p169). Peacekeepers are often pulled from national military institutions, either having trained or served within respective military settings, and as a result, have reinforced gender privileges (Alexandra, 2011, p371). The organizational structures and approaches of a military setting and the patriarchal foundations on which they are built reinforces levels of misogyny and a hyper masculinized identity which enables and emboldens sexual violence and abuse (Alexandra, 2011, p371).

The literature posits that this sense of militarized masculinity persists to missions; on which often male peacekeepers have been reported to upkeep harmful sexual behaviours to create morale within ranks or earn the respect of their compatriots, with female peacekeepers reporting aggressive and overtly sexual behaviours by their male counterparts, preferring them to have sexual outlets to reduce violence they could face (Higate, 2007, p195). It is even suggested that peacekeeping missions can enhance this conception of hypermasculinity, as ex-military men are expected to perform duties contrary to their accustomed role, waging peace, and stability (Fraulin et al, 2021, p3). In this crisis of identity, they seek to consolidate this sense of “lost masculinity” by reinforcing it elsewhere, often through violence and sexual acts (Fraulin et al, 2021, p3; Higate, 2007, p105).

Scholars are wary to not place too much emphasis on militarized masculinity being the sole cause or underlying factor which contributes to the formation of peacekeeper/civilian relationships. Instead, it is suggested that social and structural factors, such as economic insecurity, may have a better explanation for such occurrences (Higate, 2007, p101).

Survival Sex and Economic Insecurity

This structural argument is often articulated through the concept of “survival sex”, which is frequently employed by scholars to describe peacekeeper/civilian relationships (Bartels Lusamba and Lee, 2021, p2; Gibson et al, 2022, p686; Fraulin, 2021, p8; Spencer, 2005, p171). Survival sex is an exchange of sex for material, physical or financial goods, undertaken in circumstances of poverty (Spencer, 2005, p171). This exchange can be seen as a “way out” for women in struggling circumstances, and within the DRC, given financial incentives or benefits underpin a large majority of these relationships, the literature suggests that it is economic insecurity and poverty which creates conditions for such relationships to thrive (Gibson et al, 2022, p686). In this instance, civilian women are therefore victimized, having to sacrifice their bodies in exchange for goods or means to ameliorate their poverty(Bartels, Lusamba and Lee, 2021, p9; Fraulin, 2021, p9; Gibson et al, 2022, p686; Spencer, 2005, p171).

The Gap

Whilst the existent literature provides critical insight into cases of peacekeeper/civilian relationships, the analysis provided is extremely black and white. Civilian women are either presented as opportune, highly empowered free agents or vulnerable victims of exploitation. The relationships are presented as beneficial and empowering choices, or completely devastating cases of SEA. In the existent literature, there is little room for nuance, with a compartmentalization of victimhood, consent, and agency.

The literature recognizes the faults of these relationships; power imbalances, economic insecurity, patriarchal dynamics, however, does not strip back exactly why these issues are so damning in the case for, or against these relationships. In painting civilian women involved as either entirely victim or entirely agent, there is a reduction of the nuance behind the experience, and choices, that are made.

Therefore, this work seeks to provide this nuance that has been lost. If we are to explore whether these relationships can be seen as “love or exploitation”, we need to strip back these concepts to their core. We need to explore, from a feminist framework, whether consent and agency can be applied in these instances, to answer whether these relationships truly reflect consenting, mutually beneficial arrangements, or clear-cut cases of exploitation.

Theoretical Framework

This chapter outlines the theoretical frameworks which underpin my analysis of peacekeeper/civilian relationships in the DRC. The complex nature of these relationships, and the complicated setting in which they transpire calls for a more nuanced analysis than the current literature provides. I seek to answer whether these relationships are truly exploitative, or positive, by hailing back to the foundations of any just or moral romantic relationships, the existence of consent and informed agency. I proceed with feminist lens for both concepts, as they provide the deepest understanding of the structural factors which underlie peacekeeper/civilian relationships.

Feminist Framework: Consent and Power

Feminist scholars agree that the current legal requirements of consent do not span far enough. In the face of current inadequacies in the law, feminists have pushed to introduce “affirmative consent”, consent which must be given during every aspect of a sexual interaction, and in each new encounter (Featherstone et al, 2023, p375). Affirmative consent is an “affirmative yes” that is offered up freely, eagerly, and meaningfully (Featherstone et al, 2023, p375). Crucially, consent must be welcomed in the absence of force or coercion to be legitimate (Featherstone et al, 2023, p373). Yet, feminist scholars argue the affirmative consent model fails to encompass the intricacies and influences that impact consent being freely given (Featherstone et al, 2023, p375). An ideal consent model, would adopt an intersectional lens, considering asymmetrical power, race and financial dynamics and their impacts upon consent (Lowenstein Lazar, 2021, p7). In the case of the DRC, feminists would conceptualize that for consent to be fully and affirmatively given, there must be a mutual and enthusiastic participation from both sides, who share a similar positionality to one another.

This is particularly crucial, as feminist theorists identify gendered power hierarchies as being an obstruction to free and willing consent (Gunnarsson, 2013, p7). Radical feminists, principally Catharine Mackinnon present “domination theory” which stipulates due to structural power differentials between men and women, heterosexual relationships are fundamentally asymmetric (Featherstone et al, 2023, p376; Lowenstein Lazar, 2021, p21, Loick; 2019, p3). Liberal feminist theorists counter this argument, classifying the dominance approach as too reductionist by ascribing women a position of victimhood and passivity, and fails to recognize women’s agencies to make their own choices and dictate their own sexualities (Abrams, 1995, p305). In the case of the DRC, both liberal and radical feminist approaches polarize as the literature does, to defined positions on the debate of exploitation. The framework I adopt sits as a medium between these polarities, recognizing the fundamental power differentials and their contribution towards consent, however acknowledging that these differences do not disqualify women from providing consent and making their own choices overall.

Feminist consent literature is deeply divided on the validity of transactional sex in qualifying as a consensual interaction. Some theorists posit that sex that is used for external purposes, such as financial gain, prestige, or power, is exploitative and immoral, regardless of the voluntary engagement of both parties, as exploitative sex is immoral sex (Chamallas, 1988, p783). Although respective parties may “benefit” from the exchange, the foundation of the interaction is unequal in nature (Chamallas, 1988, p840). The liberal perspective persists that entering such an exchange requires the provision of consent from engaging parties, however feminist theorists refute this argument as an excuse for economically coerced rape (Choi and Holyrod, 2007, p495). In the DRC, economic disparity between peacekeepers and civilian women emboldens transactional sexual exchanges, and therefore a balanced feminist framework would consider the disparity in these interactions whilst also considering the validity of the choices made between parties in qualifying consent.

From a feminist perspective, consent must be considered with an intersectional approach; only being freely and enthusiastically given when, there is a justifiable power dynamic between engaging partners; socially, positionally, and economically. Asymmetrical power dynamics, in which one partner leverages benefits over, limits the provision consent in the encounter, enabling exploitation and abuse.

Feminist Framework: Agency and Vulnerability

Sexual agency can be defined as “the right to create and take action on his or her own behalf, to make sexual choices, and to meet his or her needs” (Bay-Cheng, 2019, p 463). Feminists argue, just as in the instance of consent, agency must be regarded from an intersectional standpoint, where we acknowledge there are racial, class and gender-based lenses in which we perceive individual’s agency and autonomy (Bay-Cheng, 2019, p466). Many feminists argue that the construction of autonomy and agency we have, is informed by a misogynistic view to dismiss survivor or victims’ experiences- the conception of agency as “a choice an individual has freely been able to make” and therefore excusing and protecting perpetrators in murky cases of abuse (Bay-Cheng, 2019, p464; Masters, 2018, p6). What feminists’ question about agency, is how structural factors influence whether we can exercise it or not-and, whether the clash between victimhood and agentic actors, obscures our view of who it can be prescribed to.

There are many structural factors, such as poverty and economic instability, that interfere with one’s abilities to exercise personal autonomy in sexual decisions. In times of instability, often sexual exploitation is enabled by such conditions, where women will turn to transactional sex for survival (Bay-Cheng, 2019, p467). Feminists recognise that the social and material conditions individuals live within can thicken and thin agency, and in the face of such conditions, channel them into acts that require compromise, compliance, and sacrifice, such as sex work (Bungay et al, 2011, p17). In opposition, the autonomy “excuse” is raised, arguing that despite constraint from social or material conditions, there is still a “choice” made to enter the sex trade, and this proves an individual’s agency, however feminists raise that the conditions that force individuals to make that “choice” in the first place, nullify this argument (Bungay et al, 2011, p26).

Central to the feminist discussion of autonomy, is victimhood. Feminists argue that vulnerability/victimhood and agency are perceived as diametrically opposed, an individual cannot be perceived as both autonomous, agentic, but also as vulnerable (Anderson, 2022, page 198, Gunnarsson, 2018, page 10). Victims are perceived as powerless, weak, dependent, and passive (Cunniff Gilson, 2016, p72; Gunnarsson, 2018, page 10). The concept of agency is seen to be incompatible with victimhood, and therefore those who experience sexual violence can be placed into unfair or unjust categories, which are further enforced by cultural and ethnic stereotypes (Cunniff Gilson, 2016, p79). Feminists argue; therefore, we need a view of victimhood that views victims as capable agents, who may be powerless on some respects, and powerful in others, able to make choices, and able to be harmed; agency-and victimhood accompany one another, hand in hand (Cunniff Gilson, 2016, p83; Gunnarsson, 2018, p10).

The Implementation of Feminist Theories of Consent and Agency as a Framework

This chapter explored the feminist frameworks underpinning the analyses of this study. Focus upon such frameworks in the context of the DRC, challenges the existing binary perceptions of peacekeeper/civilian relationships, pushing to consider the wider contextual factors that underpin and influence them. The feminist perspective provides the best possible analyses to be applied. Consent and agency are core and central themes to the debate on exploitation; and understanding them from an intersectional angle will provide the clarity required to settle the discourse.

Peacekeeper/Civillian relationships are complex and multifaceted, behind them a number of conflicting dynamics, structural and social motivations; consent and agency theories from a feminist lens will provide greater understanding of this complex nature, and how they should be perceived.

Methodology

This chapter explains the methodological approach employed to answer whether Peacekeeper/Civillian relationships can be perceived as positive or empowering. Utilizing feminist theories of consent and agency, I conduct a thematic analysis of secondary interview data, using a priori codes informed by these frameworks in Nvivo 15.

Research Design

I adopt qualitative research design to analyse secondary interview data in this study. I apply pre-generated A-Priori to selected data, and then analyse through feminist theories of consent and agency.

There are a number of benefits of utilizing a qualitative, a priori coding method for this study. Primarily, this method allows for an in-depth and personalized approach to the data, which is comprised of personal narratives and anecdotes from participants. Stories shared by participants are deeply sensitive and include intricacies and nuances that quantitative analyses methods would be too reductionist for. A qualitative approach provides more scope for an in- depth and nuanced analysis with the flexibility to explore the data more widely and comparatively. Further, using generated A Priori codes allow for a deeper and more focused thematic analysis of the data, as opposed to inductive coding, which would be too open ended for this particular study.

Data Collection and Sources

The data collected for this dissertation is anonymized, secondary interview data pulled from a range of academic studies on peacekeeper/civilian relationships in the DRC. When sourcing the data, I was conscious to find interview transcripts which detailed the perspectives and inner motivations of, particularly civilian women, engaged in relationships with peacekeepers. Understanding and analysing their perspectives as the focal point of the study would be crucial to apply my frameworks of consent and agency. Specifically, I sought to find interview transcripts presenting the psychological motivations and thought processes behind engaging within such relationships, and whether there were narratives of coercion raised, or genuine choice.

There are limitations that accompany the use of secondary data, primarily because my research is theory driven, conducting interviews, and collecting first hand interview data with questions informed by my A priori codes could’ve generated data more specific to my research aims. However, by using secondary data, I was presented with a broader range of responses, creating a more diverse scope for analysis, and data unbiased by my own personal theories or assumptions that could’ve been impacted should I have conducted my own interviews.

Analytical Framework

I utilized the outlined theories of feminist consent and agency to develop the following A Priori codes:

Code: Inclusionary/Exclusionary Criteria Example

Consent: Affirmative Consent

Both participants in the relationship “affirmatively” consented to the relationship, with full enthusiasm and equal interest in entering it. This relationship is “authentic” driven by feelings of genuine

-“We were in love.” -“We shared a loving relationship.”-“We decided to get married.”

	“love” or “romance”. Relationships can be pursued by peacekeeper, or civilian, but notions of “love” must underpin it.
Consent: Asymmetrical Power Relations	Data must demonstrate an asymmetry of power between the couple, whether that be hierarchical, gendered, or economic. Participants may either reference explicitly towards a power difference or imply its presence and its impact upon influencing the relationship. References towards differences in positionality and behaviours as a result of this dynamic.	-“He was rich and powerful.”-“He could use his power to help me.” -“He would give me his peacekeeping resources.”
Consent: Economic Coercion	Relationships were founded based on economic incentive, where peacekeepers have deliberately leveraged economic benefits as an incentive to engage in sexual relations. Women in adverse situations feel as if there is no choice, or peacekeepers aware of this suffering, exploit it by deliberately trading resources or finances for sex with needy women. References to poverty and feelings of obligation or force.	-“He said if I did it he would pay for my schooling.”-“I was starving, I needed to feed myself.” -“I only did it because he paid me.”
Agency: Strategic Autonomy	Women actively seeking out relationships with peacekeepers, knowing of the benefits involved and fully willing to reap them.	-“I chose which peacekeeper I wanted

	There is an emphasis on “choice”, an empowered decision, and a sense of pride within it. References to civilian initiation of relationships with deliberate intent.	and he provided for me.”-“I loved dating peacekeepers.”
Agency: Promiscuity and Depictions of Civillian Women	Participants were villainized or perceived as sexually promiscuous for engaging in relationships with peacekeepers. Because of this perception, they are discounted as victims and instead placed at fault for engaging in them. Victims are ascribed absolute agency.	-“The women would launch themselves on peacekeepers.”-“The peacekeepers were targeted by the women.” -“She was a whore for engaging in that behaviour.”

These A Priori codes were generated surrounding the core “themes” of feminist theories on consent and agency. I was interested to see how examples of these feminist conceptions could arise in the data and therefore I picked themes (such as economic coercion and strategic autonomy) that could be best applied to the case of the DRC and civilian/peacekeeper relationships. Codes such as “affirmative consent” and “depictions on civilian women” could provide further insight into whether these relationships are perceived as positive by the people who have lived or experienced them.

Codes were applied deductively to the interview transcripts with the aid of the Nvivo qualitative data processing software. This software provides organizational support by allowing the user to import their codes, and through highlighting, will compartmentalize the analysis into separate sections according to code, streamlining the data and organizing it into the correct places. After coding, I applied my theoretical analysis, as demonstrated in the discussion and analysis section below.

Ethical Considerations and Limitations

The secondary data analysed was collected ethically, with the participants anonymity preserved and full knowing consent. I have taken great care to preserve the integrity of the data and handle it with sensitivity through my analysis. I was conscious to be thorough in my analysis, in avoiding the prior “polarity” applied in the previous literature, and as such collected data from various different perspectives across the DRC, both peacekeeper, civilian, onlooker, positive outlook and negative. I was also conscious not to impose my own biases upon the data, sticking strictly to the A Priori codes generated through the framework.

The use of secondary data in this study may be seen as a limiting factor, the ability to not generate my own questions, ask further into specific areas or follow up on some statements may mean the overall data reviewed is more general in nature. However, analysing secondary data has provided strength to my research, it has allowed for a more open-minded approach to a diverse range of sources and perspectives, as well as ensuring ethics by not involving active primary participants.

Discussion and Analysis

This dissertation focused on evaluating whether peacekeeper/civilian relationships could be perceived as “positive”, specifically though the application of a feminist lens. I approach the evaluation of exploitation and evaluate the moral justifications of these relationships through an intersectional feminist framework, which provides answers to what qualifies consent and agency, and what does not. This section will outline the key findings from the analysis, presented in thematic sections accompanied by selected quotes from the data. This chapter is divided into two parts, discussing feminist theories of consent, and agency, and their application to the data respectively.

Feminist Theories of Consent

The first section of this discussion and analysis chapter, will display findings on the existence of consent in the case of peacekeeper/civilian relationships in the DRC, informed by the feminist framework. Ultimately, I find that given the severe power and financial divide between peacekeepers and civillians, the notion of consent according to feminist theory cannot be applied in these cases.

Affirmative Consent

Evaluating the data, I was interested to explore the depictions of peacekeeper/civilian relationships, particularly, given some of the literatures prior praise of such arrangement, examining perspectives offering a more “positive” view. In line with theories of consent, I generated the code “affirmative consent,” that is, consent given enthusiastically without the presence of threat or force (Feathersone et al, 2023, p375). In this code, I was looking for data that would present ideas such as “love”, “romance” and mutuality of both partners to engage in a romantic relationship, of which I found 17 references.

Participants offered insight into their relationships with peacekeepers, in which they made references towards “true love”, “falling in love”, and engaging in matrimony, or a hopefulness to do so.

“We started loving each other, and he was helping me to support my children; it is not saying that we were forced to love each other, it was true love.” (Gibson, et al, 2022, p690)

Onlookers, those who had not engaged with relationships with peacekeepers but had known of individuals who had, similarly offered positive perspectives on such interactions, positing them as honourable arrangements, particularly when marriage was involved.

“My sister was falling in love with a MONUSCO expatriate from France. That man honoured my sister by marrying her. They now live in France with their 3 year old baby.” (Petz et al, 2023, p9)

Affirmative consent theorists, therefore, may argue that given the general positivity and enthusiasm cited by respondents towards these “romantic” relationships, consent has been freely given, and therefore criticism or moral objections towards them is unnecessary (Featherstone et al, 2023, p375).

However, feminist theorists, dispute the affirmative consent model for not considering the intricacies that contribute to consent; force does not have to be physical, there are other means in which coercion can be attained without the enforcement of physical violence or verbal threat (Featherstone et al, 2023, p378). For affirmative consent to truly be “affirmative” there must be an absence of all forms of coercion; including power dynamics or structural influences that may force a woman to concede (Lowenstein Lazar, 2021, p7).

This response to the affirmative consent model is exemplified through the data. Whilst there are instances of participants stating their relationships are built on “love”, the mention of economic exchange alongside this romance shifts the dynamic.“I know of a story of a young girl, there was a MONUSCO agent who fell in love with her, (he) bought her a portion of land and built a house for her, equipped the house...and bought some means of transportation. The girl’s life changed positively and her family took advantage.”(Gibson et al, 2022, p694)

The majority of participants who could be described as “affirmatively” and enthusiastically consenting to relationships with peacekeepers, also report these romantic relationships being supported by the exchange of money, goods, or protection.“I loved the guy from Guatemala, he used to give me money to buy food, body milk, clothes. We really loved each other, and he made me pregnant.”(Gibson et al, 2022, p690)

The problem that arises from the data is that respondents are citing the benefits of such relationships as “romantic” or “loving” because the peacekeepers are wielding their power and financial resources, which the civilian women do not have and otherwise would not have access to, to aid them. In these instances, these relationships are not founded on genuine romance, but rather an asymmetrical basis in which women are aware of the power that peacekeepers can leverage over them. Henceforth, according to feminist conceptions of affirmative consent, the leverage of this power and position of benefit nullifies the presence of consent in these instances.

Asymmetric Peacekeeper Power

In feminist discourse surrounding consent, there is great focus applied to power dynamics, specifically the gendered power hierarchies ascribed to men and women (Gunnarsson, 2013, page 7). According to feminist thought, consent cannot be valid in the instance of coercion, specifically where power, whether that be through position, financial power, material power or otherwise, are utilised as a driving force (Gunnarsson, 2013, page 7). Given that, peacekeepers are automatically in a position of authority and control over civilian populations, I was interested to see whether these dynamics of power would play a role in influencing relationships between peacekeepers and civilians; therefore, obscuring the consent exhibited in these situations. In total, I identified 33 instances in the data of the power of the peacekeeping position being utilized or weaponized for these relationships to come to fruition.

Peacekeepers were recounted to flaunt and advertise the privileges they had; food, money, and rations to solicit sex from civilian women. There are several examples of peacekeepers deliberately taunting women, specifically those they knew were suffering or hungry, to receive sexual favours.

“At the vicinity of the MONUSCO base, the soldiers used to call out to girls telling them “JIGI JIGI, one dollar”, which means if a girl accepts to have intimate relations with them, they give her one or ten dollars.”(Bartels, Lusamba and Lee, 2021, p7)

The explication of peacekeeper power and wealth in comparison to the civilian women stretched to exploitation within formal employment settings. Participants reported peacekeepers attempting to violate their domestic workers in exchange for money, exploiting their power beyond just their protective role, but their status as employers, as well "They gave a job to girls to be their housemaids. One day those guys woke up in the morning, remaining in their underwear. They put 400 dollars on the table when a girl arrived, they told her to have sex with them, but she started refusing. As you know before money, it is difficult to turn down such an occasion, so she accepted to have intimate relations with the four.”(Gibson et al, 2022, p686)

In this specific instance, and others within the data, “consent” is verbally provided, but at the proviso of submitting to the coercion exhibited by peacekeepers, who utilize their position of authority and the benefits it provides to exert their will.

Such weaponization of their positionality and the benefits they attain from that, is by feminist metric, a violation of consent. Consent cannot be provided so long as a power hierarchy is exploited to attain it (Loick, 2019, p3).

Economic Coercion

It is evident from data analysed thus far that economic disparity, and the weaponization of it, has been a major underlying factor within peacekeeper/civilian relationships. Hence this prominence, the A Priori code “economic coercion” was developed to delve further into cases of transactional sex. There were 61 references to economic coercion within the data, with this reference being the most found out of all codes, emphasizing the extent of its prominence.

Feminist consent theories stipulate transactional sex in the position of extreme economic insecurity can lead to cases of exploitation (Chammallas, 1988, p783). Indeed, many studies have found that, in cases of economic deprivation, women, particularly within the sex trade are more liable to abuse, violence and coercion by their paying customers (Choi and Holyrod, 2007, p495). The problem that faces consent in the face of economic deprivation, is the present disparity of power between the two parties, making consent difficult to justify.

Some participants justify transactional sex with peacekeepers, arguing consent was present due to the exchange of money“he was not forcing me to have sex with him, it was with my consent since he was providing me with money.”(Fraulin, 2021, p10) This “consensual” exchange is only validated by the presence of money. Some liberal feminist positions may affirm that, the participant explicitly consented to the interaction and therefore, this consent justifies the exchange (Masters, 2018, p6). However, the prominence of economic vulnerability and disparities as a driving force for accepting such relationships ultimately contradict this argument. Many respondents cite economic deprivation and desperation as the reason for providing consent.“the problem that led me to this situation was life’s hard condition. If I had a job or if my parents were still alive, probably I would’ve not fallen into this trap because they would’ve led me, provided me a piece of advice to overcome these meagre temptations of dirty money and crumbs of food.”(Gibson et al, 2022, p686)

There is affirmation from respondents that, if positions of economic inequality did not exist, neither would acceptance or tolerance of relationships of any nature with peacekeepers.

“Poverty forces our sisters to tolerate these cases of abuse.” (Wagner, 2022 )

According to feminist theories of consent, consent can only be provided when both participants share equal power, and standings (Featherstone, 2023 p375) The data demonstrates that women in positions of desperation are frequently driven to accept exchanges with peacekeepers for basic commodities and money to survive. The fundamental disparity in these relationships, underpinned by this desperation and willing to survive, therefore disqualifies consent from a feminist perspective, in these instances.

Feminist Theories of Agency

The second section of this discussion and analysis chapter, will display findings on the

existence of agency in the case of peacekeeper/civilian relationships in the DRC, informed by the feminist framework. Ultimately, I find that agency cannot be fully ascribed to civilian women in peacekeeper relationships, as the seemingly “agentic” choices and decisions they make, have been made of necessity as opposed to genuine desire, pleasure, or love.

Strategic Autonomy

Agency, as prior defined by Bay Cheng as “the right to take, or create action on her own behalf, to make sexual choices to suit her own needs”, is an important factor in making sexual relationships equal (Bay-Cheng et al, 2019, p463). Autonomy is the right to make choices, sexually, that empower us (Bay-Cheng et al, 2019, p463). Crucially, feminist theorists emphasise that in both instances, there are circumstances in which our ability to exercise these qualities can be compromised, particularly within situations in which one can be vulnerable to exploitation, such as insecurity or deprivation (Bay-Cheng, 2019, p467).

Whilst much of the data describes civilian women engaging in relationships pursued by peacekeepers, there is equally data which demonstrates women actively seeking them out, aware of the benefits they may provide. For these women, engaging in relationships with peacekeepers is conducted with informed consent. In the data, there were 47 total references towards “strategic autonomy”; women making choices to engage in these relationships, to empower themselves.

Participants described being fully aware of the benefits that MONUSCO agents could provide, and therefore, took advantage of what they could receive, by choosing the best man who could provide for them and improve their lives.“She changed MONUSCO agents-if she stops with him, she takes another, and they give her a lot of money. She was funded easily, she could pay for cars, support her family, she opened a shop, she could do business with the money she was receiving from the MONUSCO agents.”(Petz et al, 2022, p8)

There was also reported, a sense of pride carried by the women who engaged in some of these relationships, in the lives they were able to curate and the things they were able to achieve, in comparison to their compatriots who were seen to not be taking advantage of similar opportunities.

“She is ready to say “I have a boyfriend of mine who works at MONUSCO who will give me 200 to 300 dollars every two months. I always go to restaurants and eat whatever I want, he will pay. You guys cannot do that. In addition to my academic fees, and buys me everything I want, even if he doesn’t have money when I call him, he can take out a loan provided that he satisfies me. You students have nothing.”(Vahedi et al, 2024, p378) Engaging in such relationships gave participants a genuine sense of freedom and status, providing opportunities which they otherwise may not be provided.

This, in some way could be interpreted as positive, however, feminist autonomist theories would challenge this notion. Feminist theory recognises that the social and material conditions in which we live, and experience can thin our agency, and unequal social conditions can force women into behaviours they may not have otherwise engaged in (Choi and Holyrod, 2007, p491). The problem with these examples is that, whilst women are making the “choice” to pursue these relationships, the “choice” is not being made out of a genuine place of want, but rather as an attempt to improve one’s condition. This means that the choice being made cannot entirely be perceived as “free” and thus, is not entirely autonomous.

Promiscuity and Depictions of Civillian Women

Feminist theories on agency examine the notion of what makes a victim. Often perceptions of victimhood hold that one cannot be a victim and an autonomous agent simultaneously, the two cannot coexist as one (Anderson, 2022, p198). Feminist perspectives call for a more intersectional approach to agency, and therefore I was interested to observe how women engaging within these relationships would be perceived, especially regarding their agency. In their data, there were 18 references to the code “promiscuity”, which ascribed women with absolute agency, and fault, for these relationships arising.

Many participants described civilian women are predatory, pursuing peacekeepers in a deliberative attempt to coerce sexual relations. There were accounts of women exhibiting their body parts, and stalking men outside the base to attract attention. There are descriptions of peacekeepers having to take measures to distance themselves from the harassment of local women.“We were in a bar one night in the local town. It was full of girls, dancing and drinking all over us. This peacekeeper paid one of the women to keep the others away from him they were hustling for him to have sex with them so much.” (Bartels, Lusamba and Lee, 2021, p106)

Women who engaged in behaviour perceived as soliciting attention or sexual exchanges with peacekeepers were largely described with misogynistic and derogatory terms.“Most of these women who always meet with MONUSCO guys how will prostitutes. Their only concern is hunting those whites for money. When there is no money, those harlots cannot give in for sex deal.”(Fraulin, 2021, p10)

It is notable that, whilst peacekeepers were also recorded, overwhelmingly more than civilian women, as pursuing and soliciting sexual relations, the same language and approach is not utilized.

Ultimately, depictions of civilian women who engage these relationships fit the feminist critique of agency perspectives, in which women are perceived as incapable of victimhood, if seen to be exercising their will or autonomy. What is not considered by the perspectives offered by participants here, is the factors which may have driven these women to pursue peacekeepers in such a forceful fashion; whilst not excusing such behaviour, the economic desperation in which many participants experienced explains the persistent behaviour. In this instance, these women may have exercised their agency, albeit under hostile conditions, to pursue a relationship, however, equally can still be positioned as victims, particularly of their circumstances.

Agency is prescribed in the data here; however, it is applied in a way that conforms to historical and outdated perceptions of victimhood, and therefore these arguments cannot be perceived as reliable without expanding to a more intersectional understanding, as encouraged by feminist theory.

Conclusion of AnalysisThis chapter has analysed the data on civilian and peacekeeper relationships in the DRC through feminist theories on consent and agency. Ultimately, the findings are two-fold.

Consent cannot be applied in these cases. The data has demonstrated that there are extreme differentials between women and peacekeepers, in power, financial security and social standing, that makes equal partnerships impossible. Many relationships analysed are underpinned by a transaction, often to alleviate the suffering of the civilian party. Positioned as protectors, UN Peacekeepers have a direct duty to safeguard the civillians within their jurisdiction, and engaging in relationships leveraged by transaction with less fortunate women directly contradicts their mission. From a feminist perspective, the asymmetrical power and financial status of peacekeepers to civilians makes consensual relationships unfeasible.

Agency is more difficult to pinpoint, as civilian women have demonstrated their autonomy through active pursual of peacekeepers. There are a multitude of examples of women making conscious and active choices to benefit their lives. However, these choices do not negate the fact that, they were made from necessity. In a position of extreme deprivation and financial and social instability, women are forced to make sacrifices and choices that may be contrary to their desires, should they have not been within this position. Ultimately, the choice to engage in a peacekeeper relationship is not free or agentic, and therefore cannot be considered as legitimate.

It is crucial, however, that the women who engaged within relationships with peacekeepers in the DRC, are not pigeonholed into the role of the “helpless victim” as often they are ascribed to be in the literature. Rather, these women challenge the notion of this traditional victimhood. There are instances of exploitation within the data, but also instances where women themselves have learned to exploit their circumstances, to try and make for themselves a better life. Their positionality, therefore, must not be reduced to black and white stereotypes of victim, or agent, and instead regarded in a neutral manner, deserving of respect, and understanding, regardless of the decisions they make.

Conclusion

This dissertation has sought to answer whether relationships between UN peacekeepers and civilian women in the DRC can be viewed as a positive, through a feminist perspective. Some literature has contended that these relationships indeed are a positive force for good for civilian women, offering them opportunities of growth professionally and economically, and further empower themselves within their personal and financial lives (Petz, 2023, p6). This research has exemplified through feminist frameworks of consent and agency, that these relationships cannot be quantified as anything other than exploitation.

According to feminist theories on consent, the act of saying yes, even with enthusiasm, goes beyond an affirmation. Full and legitimate consent within any sexual or romantic interaction requires both participants to be unburdened by coercion or influence. Agency is more nuanced than just making a choice for oneself; it is making choices and decisions without force or desperation. In relationships between peacekeepers and civillians, feminist conceptions of consent and agency do not exist. The asymmetries of power, the leverage of essential goods and money to incentivize sexual interactions and the deprived setting that forces women to pursue relationships only motivated with the view to escape or to better one’s conditions make moral justifications for these relationships untenable. Further, the weaponization of “agency” to excuse or to dismiss the victimhood of women who have experienced these relationships, further serves to create cycles of shame and trauma upon those who have already suffered so much.

Peacekeepers are granted significant power, protection, and financial support, particularly in contrast to their jurisdictional communities. Given the extreme structural differences and inequalities between peacekeepers, and the people they are sent to protect, feminist perspectives exemplify that romance or sexual relations in this context cannot be separated from notions of coercion and dependency.

Crucially, this research does not seek to identify civilian women or participants of this study as helpless victims, as they are so often typologized in other literature. Instead, I sought to recognize that whilst they navigate structural and systematic inequalities and abuses, they still have the capacity to make strategic and thoughtful decisions, no matter the constraint, in the view to improve their lives. Despite coercion, or influence, these women still are acting to survive a complex and challenging world, and to deny this fact would serve to ignore the insurmountable strength and resilience these women possess.

However, interpretations of these relationships as positive, or empowering serve to create and enable further critical problems, both for the case of the DRC, and wider UN missions. To dismiss the exploitative dynamics of these relationships, is to contribute to the wider issue of UN impunity, in which peacekeepers evade responsibility for gross misdemeanours by virtue of their position and protection from their nation states and international organizations (Jennings, 2017, p2). What is vital, is not only for the United Nations to immediately adopt more of an uncompromising stance towards such cases of abuse, by properly holding peacekeepers to account and vetting and safeguarding their missions, but also, action from researchers and academics.

There is a necessity for researchers when studying cases of UN abuses and SEA to explicate and clarify these power dynamics so as to not perpetrate or excuse them and contribute to this culture of impunity and exoneration. Applying a feminist lens, as employed in this dissertation, will allow for greater empowerment and understanding of the stories of women who are so often forgotten, and help provide greater clarity on how we can reform our peacekeeping structures and global organizations, for the better, and safety of all.

Appendix

Appendices One- Codebook Generated through Nvivo

Codes

Name	Description	Sources Referen ces
Affirmative Consent	Both participants in the relationship “affirmatively” consented to the relationship, with full enthusiasm and equal interest in entering it. This relationship is “authentic” driven by feelings of genuine “love” or “romance”.	3	17
Asymmetrical power relations	Data must demonstrate an asymmetry of power between the couple, whether that be hierarchical, gendered, or economic. Participants may either reference explicitly towards a power difference or imply its presence and its impact upon influencing the relationship.	9	20
Consent Influenced By Power (Asymmetrical Power)	Data must demonstrate an asymmetry of power between the couple, whether that be hierarchical, gendered, or economic. Participants may either reference explicitly towards a power difference or imply its presence and its impact upon influencing the relationship. Subsumed into Asymmetrical Power.	2	8
Coerced By External Forces (Economic Coercion	Relationships were founded based on economic incentive, where peacekeepers have deliberately leveraged economic benefits as an incentive to engage in sexual relations. Women in adverse situations feel as if there is no choice, or peacekeepers aware of this suffering, exploit it by deliberately trading resources or finances for sex with needy women. These codes found cases of economic coercion was influenced by external factors such as social and familial pressure due to poverty. Code subsumed	8	13

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Name	Description	Sources Referen ces
	into economic coercion.
UN Peacekeeper Persual(Peacekeeper Power/Asymmetric al Power)	Data must demonstrate an asymmetry of power between the couple, whether that be hierarchical, gendered, or economic. Participants may either reference explicitly towards a power difference or imply its presence and its impact upon influencing the relationship. Subsumed into Asymmetrical power.	6	33
Deception (Economic Coercion)	Relationships were founded based on economic incentive, where peacekeepers have deliberately leveraged economic benefits as an incentive to engage in sexual relations. Women in adverse situations feel as if there is no choice, or peacekeepers aware of this suffering, exploit it by deliberately trading resources or finances for sex with needy women. These codes found cases of economic coercion used to deceive women into engaging in sexual activity. Code subsumed into economic coercion.	2	4
Economic Coercion, Transactional Sex	Relationships were founded based on economic incentive, where peacekeepers have deliberately leveraged economic benefits as an incentive to engage in sexual relations. Women in adverse situations feel as if there is no choice, or peacekeepers aware of this suffering, exploit it by deliberately trading resources or finances for sex with needy women.	8	61
Strategic Agency	Women actively seeking out relationships with peacekeepers, knowing of the benefits involved and fully willing to reap them. There is an emphasis on “choice”, an empowered decision, and a sense of pride within it.	7	47

Escapism (Strategic Women actively seeking out relationships 1 3 Agency) with peacekeepers, knowing of the

41

Name	Description	Sources Referen ces
	benefits involved and fully willing to reap them. There is an emphasis on “choice”, an empowered decision, and a sense of pride within it. In these instances, women entered relationships to escape dire situations, but with enthusiasm and knowing “consent.” Code subsumed into Strategic Agency.
Poverty (Economic Coercion)	Relationships were founded based on economic incentive, where peacekeepers have deliberately leveraged economic benefits as an incentive to engage in sexual relations. Women in adverse situations feel as if there is no choice, or peacekeepers aware of this suffering, exploit it by deliberately trading resources or finances for sex with needy women. Women describe abject poverty as decisive factor behind engaging in such relationships. Code subsumed into economic coercion	6	14
Promiscuity	Participants were villainized or perceived as sexually promiscuous for engaging in relationships with peacekeepers. Because of this perception, they are discounted as victims and instead placed at fault for engaging in them.	5	18

Appendices Two- Secondary Interview Data (The sources of data collected and analysed in this dissertation).

Source Name

Participa nt

Publicati on Date

Intervie w

			transcri pt Quoted in text? (Y/N)
Bartels, S.A., Lusamba, S. and Lee, S. (2021). Participant and narrative characteristics associated with host community members sharing experiences of peacekeeper perpetrated sexual exploitation and abuse in the Democratic Republic of Congo. BMJ Global Health , 6(10). doi:https://doi.org/10.1136/bmjgh-2021- 006631.	Civillian Women and Local Community Members in the DRC	2021	Yes
Fraulin, G., Lee, S., Lusamba, S. and Bartels , S.A. (2021). ‘it was with my consent since he was providing me with money’ : a mixed methods study of adolescent perspectives on peacekeeper-perpetrated sexual exploitation and abuse in the Democratic Republic of Congo. Conflict and Health , 15(80). doi:https://doi.org/10.1186/s13031-021- 00414-0.	Civillian Women and Local Community Members in the DRC	2021	Yes
Gibson, K., Dixon, A., Goebel , A. and Bartels, S.A. (2022). Love, Sex and Exchange in the Context of Peacebuilding in the Democratic Republic of Congo. International Peacekeeping, 29(3),	Civillian Women and Local	2022

pp.1–28. doi:https://doi.org/10.1080/13533312.2022.2 094781.	Community Members in the DRC
Jennings, K. and Nikolic-Ristanovic, V. (2009). UN Peacekeeping Economies and Local Sex Industries: Connections and Implications . MICROCON Research Working Paper Number 17, 17(1).	Civillian Women and Local Community Members in the DRC, UN peacekeepers	2009	No
Lwambo, D. (2013). ‘Before the war, I was a man.’ men and masculinities in the Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo. Gender and Development, 21(1), pp.47–66. doi:https://doi.org/10.1080/13552074.2013.7 69771.	Civillian Women and Local Community Members in the DRC	2013	No
Mushoriwa, L., Njieassam, E. and Bata, P.T. (2021). Accountability for Sexual Exploitation and Abuse by UN Peacekeepers: Case Studies from the Democratic Republic of Congo and Central African Republic. Violence Against Women and Criminal Justice in Africa: Volume 2, Sustainable Development Goals Series, pp.139–170. doi:https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030- 75953-7_6 Part of the ‘Sustainable Development Goals Series’ .	Civillian Women and Local Community Members in the DRC	2021	No

44

Oldenburg , S. (2015). The Politics of Love and Intimacy in Goma, Eastern DR Congo: Perspectives on the Market of Intervention as Contact Zone. Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding , 9(3), pp.316–333. doi:https://doi.org/10.1080/17502977.2015.1 054660.	Civillian Women and Local Community Members in the DRC, UN Peacekeepers	2015	No
Petz, J.F., Nguya , G., Baguma Nguba, M., Goebel, A., Lee , S. and Bartels , S.A. (2023). ‘At the end of their relationship, that man offered her a house.’ Qualitatively exploring Congolese women’s agency in navigating sexual relations with UN peacekeepers within the context of a patriarchal setting in eastern DRC. Global Public Health, 19(1). doi:https://doi.org/10.1080/17441692.2023.2 291698.	Civillian Women and Local Community Members in the DRC	2023	Yes
Spencer, S.W. (2005). Making Peace: Preventing and Responding to Sexual Exploitation by United Nations Peacekeepers. Journal of Public and International Affairs, 16, pp.167–181.	Civillian Women and Local Community Members in the DRC	2005	No
Tasker, H., Van Der Werf, K., Bunting, A. and Bartels , S.A. (2023). ‘Those MONUSCO agents left while we were still pregnant:’ accountability and support for peacekeeping fathered children in the DRC. Journal of Peace Research, 61(6), pp.1019–1034.	Civillian Women and Local Community	2023	No

45

doi:https://doi.org/10.1177/00223433231168 1.	Members in the DRC
Vahedi, L., Lee, S., Etienne, S., Lusamba, S. and Bartels, S.A. (2024). Peacekeepers and Local Women and Girls: A Comparative Mixed-Methods Analysis of Local Perspectives from Haiti and the Democratic Republic of Congo. International Peacekeeping, 31(3), pp.360–401. doi:https://doi.org/10.1080/13533312.2024.2 323537.	Civillian Women and Local Community Members in the DRC	2024	Yes
Wagner , K., Glaesmer , H., Bartels , S.A. and Lee, S. (2020). ‘If I was with my father such discrimination wouldn’t exist, I could be happy like other people’ : a qualitative analysis of stigma among peacekeeper fathered children in the Democratic Republic of Congo . Conflict Health, 14(1). doi:https://doi.org/10.1186/s13031-020- 00320-x.	Civillian Women and Local Community Members in the DRC	2020	No
Wagner, K. (2022). Sexual exploitation by UN peacekeepers in DRC: fatherless children speak for first time about the pain of being abandoned. [online] The Conversation. Available at: https://theconversation.com/sexual- exploitation-by-un-peacekeepers-in-drc- fatherless-children-speak-for-first-time- about-the-pain-of-being-abandoned-188248.	Civillian Women and Local Community Members in the DRC	2022	Yes

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